Was Proto Indo European SVO or SOV
Appendix i. Proto-Indo-European syntax
1.Indo-European languages | 2. Indo-European words | 3. Indo-European noun | 4. Indo-European verbs | 5. Indo-European syntax | 6.Indo-European etymology
A sentence is a form of word that contains a statement, question, exclamation, or command.
a. A sentence in the form of a statement is called an explanatory sentence: as, the dog is running.
b. A sentence in the form of a question is called an interrogative sentence: as, runs the dog?
c. A sentence in the form of an exclamation is called an exclamation sentence: as, how fast the dog runs!
d. A sentence in the form of an order, admonition, or incantation is called an absolutely necessary sentence: as, Go, run across the Alps; or leave the dog run.
NOTE. According to Lehman (1974), "The essential order of the sentences to be in PIE OV. Support for this assumption is evident in the oldest texts from the materials earliest attested in the IE dialects. The essential order of sentences in these early dialects cannot be determined solely by the frequency of the sentence patterns. For, like other linguistic constructions, the sentence mimics the manifesto marked as well as flawless sequence. Marked order is expected in literary materials. The documents that survive from the earliest dialects are virtually anything in stanza or literary forms of prose. Accordingly, many of the individual sentences do not have the flawless order, with verb finals. For this reason, conclusions about the characteristic word order of PIE and the early dialects will be in part based on those syntactic patterns that are seldom modified for literary and rhetorical effect: comparative constructions, the presence of postings and prepositions, and the absence of prefixes, (...)".
Lehman is criticized by Friedrich (1975) who, more like Watkins (1976) and Miller (1975), support a VO prehistoric situation, probably SVO (like those found in 'central' IE areas), with the inconsistent dialectal SOV facts. In any case (viz). Lehman and Miller, an older IE I or IE IIER OV (VSO for Miller) so from a newer VO (SOV for Miller, later SVO through a process of verb transposition). had been exchanged, all Indo-European confirmed dialects have (so likely from an ordinary LATE PIE trend) evolved into a modern SVO.
Modern Indo-German, as a modern IE language, perhaps follows the more strict formal patterns confirmed in the oldest inscriptions, i.e., confirmed. (S, OV, as in Swedish Sanskrit, ancient Greek, ancient Latin, and Avestan. A newer, general, (S), VO order, found Avestan in Greek, Latin, Germanic, and so on.) Which reveals the change from OV in Early PIE to a VO in Later PIE for the spoken language of Europe. and even some forms of litterary uses such as journalism. could be used in non-formal contexts.
I.1.1. Types of sentences
PIE sentences were either nominal, i.e. made up of nouns, or Oral if they include a verb.
I. One subject and one predicate. The subject of a sentence is that Person or thing spoken by. The predicate is that this is said of the subject.
a. The subject is usually a noun or a pronoun, or some word or group of words used as a noun.
b. The predicate of a sentence is perhaps a verb (like the dog is running), or maybe it consists of some form of davon and a noun or an adjective that ordefines the subject (like It's good) describes. Such a noun or adjective is called a predicate noun or an adjective.
IIE. In Proto-Indo-European, simple sentences may be composed of just a word, noun, or verb; as, God!, or (it's raining.
NOTE 1. These nominal sentences are usually heckling and vocatives. Oral sentences of this kind include imperatives, at least von 2. P.Sg.) and confirmed impersonal verbs that never had a topic in the oldest dialects; as, for Eng. (it's raining, cf. Gote. rigneiþ, Lat. pluit, Gk. ..., Skt. vár.ati. It is believed that when IE dialects were SVO in structure so a subject was called for, the third unique anaphoric pronoun, corresponding to it., was introduced as a theme in such sentences. Such pronouns were introduced because SVO languages need to have topics in sentences, like intransitive verbs do in any OV language. Such verbs could be supplemented by nouns in various cases, among them the accusative. These constructions are particularly prominent for verbs related to the emotions; as, Lat. miseret, pudet, taedet, Skr. kitavá. tat.pa. Compare Cicero Lat too. e.rum n.s miseret or O.H.G. thesgánges thih nirthrúzzi. In the PIE condemned different case that forms could be used with verbs. The simplest sentences may consist of verbs accompanied by seven of the eight boxes of nouns; only the vocative is not used like this. The nouns fill the role of objects or, better possibly indicated, of complements.
NOTE 2. In addition to the simple one-verb sentence, a simple sentence in the early dialects and in PIE could consist of a verb accompanied by a noun or a pronoun as a complement. But a topic was not mandatory. Nor was other constructions that might seem natural, like indirect objects with verbs like 'indulgence. ' The root * or in its earlier form * deH-had the meaning- 'Gift 'in its simplest sense and was often alone by any nominal expression (Lehman).
Nominal sentences, in which a noun is equated with another noun, an adjective, or a particle, make up one of the simplest types of sentences in PIE.
NOTE 1. This type of sentence is found in almost every IE dialect; cf. Hitt. atta. a..u., "the good father ", (is) Skr. tvá.váru.a, "She (is) Varuna ", O.Pers. Adam D.rayavau., "I (is) Darius", Lat. omnia praeclara rara, "all the best things (is) rare ", and so on. In all dialects, however, such sentences have been restricted in their use to a particularly formal use or, on the contrary, they are found more often than originally in PIE. So in Latin and Germanic dialects they are found in Proverbs and Proverbs, as in Old Irish; in Greek it is also found in epic and poetry. But in Balto-Slavic dialects, the pure nominal sentence has become the usual type of nominal sentence, even if the predicate is an adverb or an adverbial case. But, such a usage extended into modern dialects (similar to Russian) than the older ones (as Old Slavic) is considered the result of Finno-Ugric influence.
NOTE 2. Over time, a nominal sentence required a verb; this development is in keeping with the subjective nature of PIE and the finishes that came to replace the individual identifier brands of earlier PIE. The different dialects no longer had a different set of equations. Verbs could of course be left out of ellipse. And, strangely enough, in Slavic, nominal clauses was reintroduced when Meillet (1906-1908) demonstrated. The reintroduction is likely a result of the influence of OV languages such as Finno-Ugric. This phenomenon illustrates these syntactic constructions, and syntactic features must be carefully studied before they can be ascribed to inheritance. Germanic also an OV property was reintroduced in Norden, with the loss of prefixes at the end of the first millennium of A.D. (Lehmann 1970. Despite these subsequent OV influences, nominal sentences must be assumed for PIE.
A. There are traces of pure nominal sentences with a predicate made from an indirect case of a noun or prepositional compound, although they are not common to all Indo-European dialects.
NOTE. Besides Balto-Slavic examples (due to Finno-Ugric influence) only a few isolated examples are found; cf. Skr. havyaírAgnírmánu.a .rayádhyai, "Agni must with the sacrifices of men ", Gk, to be prayed. pàr hépoige kaì hálloi oi ké mé tim.sousi, "nearby of me (there are) others the [particle] will me (Mendoza) give praise. "
B. In addition to such extensions using additional nouns in nonrequired cases, sentences could be extended using the particles.
NOTE. For Lehman, three subsets of the particles came in to be particularly important. One of these is the set of preverbs, such as .. Another is the set of sentence connectors, such as Hitt. nu. The third is the set of qualifier expressions e.g., PIE-m.'(You) don't. ' An additional subset, compounds that introduce clauses, will be discussed in the compound clauses paragraph below.
Preverbs are distinctively characterized by becoming closely associated with verbs and modifying their meaning. In their normal position, they come right before verbs (Watkins 1964).
So in general Concordance ruled both members of the Pure Nominal Sentence.
NOTE. Unlike the personal verb and its complements (governed by inflection), the nominal sentence showed a strong reliance on match between subject and predicate, as a definitory occurs: both needed the same case and tended to have the same number and gender.
The copulative 0 it is only necessary as that of introducing into oral morphology of late species such as Time and Mood. Therefore, if the mood is the indicative and the time is genderless (proverbs without timing, or presented with semantic neuter), there is no need to use it.
NOTE 1. The basic form of nominal sentences, however, has been a matter of dispute. Some Indo supporters of the European idea suggest that the absence of a verb in nominal sentences is a result of the ellipse and an underlying 0 it assumes (Benveniste 1950) be. They support this assumption by pointing to the request of such a verb when the nominal sentence is in the past; cf. Hitt. ABU.I.A genzuu.ala. e.ta, "My father was gracious. "On the contrary, Meillet (1906-1908), followed by Lehman and Mendoza, believed that nominal sentences did not require a verb, but that a verb for stress could be included. This conclusion is perhaps made by noting that the qualifiers included in PIE were found to be used in nominal sentences without a verb. As an example we may quote a Hittite sentence that is negative and imperative, 1-a. 1-edani menahhanda l. id.lu., "One shouldn't be angry with another one". Still, if a passage was to be explicit, a form of dav could be usedon used as in Skr. nákir indra tvád úttaro ná jy.y. asti, "no one is higher than you, Indra, greater than you."
NOTE 2. On the original meaning of davonas Brugmann (1925) originally meant so exist its use as a copulative verb through constructions in which the predicate expresses the existence of the subject, as in Hom. Gk. eím Oduseús Laertiádes, "I am Odisseus, son of Laertes (Mendoza) ". In PIE times there were seemingly other verbs (with similar meanings of exist) that could be used as copulas; compare You IE bh., exist, you will "grow" cf. O.Ind. bhavati, or as supletives in Lat. past fui, O.Ir. ba, O.Lith. búvo, fut. bus, O.C.S. vaccine. bease and so on.), Germanic who lives', live You.'
The simplest structure of the common Indo-European sentence consists of a verb, i.e. performing an action. None of the oral actors (subject and subject) need to be expressed in it. the subject is usually not mandatory and the subject appears only when linked with the lexical nature of the verb.
NOTE. The oldest morphological species, even time, were expressed by lexical means in the PIE, and many remains are found from such a system; cf. Hitt. -za (reflexive), formal particles in Gk. and O.Ind., formal negation in some IE dialects or the simple change in intonation that made an explanatory sentence questioning or imperative. in fact, the imperative lacks a mark of its own.
The relationship between the subject and the subject is expressed by the case.
There is no clear morphological difference between transitive and intransitive verbs in Proto-Indo-European.
NOTE. Some Indo-European dialects have specialized some oral suffixes as transitive (causative) or intransitive, as Gk. -en, Gmc. -ok, Lat. -a, etc. while in some others a preverb combined with an oral root makes the basic verb transitive or intransitive.
When topics are clearly expressed, the nominative is the case used.
NOTE. Subject expression is the most prominent enlargement of simple sentences to include more than one noun phrase. Besides such explicit mention of the subject, predicates may consist of verbs accompanied by two or more nouns, in cases that complement the meanings of the verbs (v.i).) Such constructions must be distinguished from the inclusion of additional nouns, the case of which forms indicate adverbial use.
Few verbs are necessarily accompanied by two nouns.
1. the use of the dative in addition to the accusative, as in Skr. t.bhi.m ena. pári dehi, give him those two 'over.
2. the helpful and the ablative, as Skr. áhan v.trám ... índro vájre.a, 'Indra killed ... Vr.tra with his screw.' Skr.tvá. dásy.m.r ókaso agna .ja., 'They drove the enemies from the house, O Agni's,
NOTE. While the addition to these sentences, indicated by the nouns in the helpful, and the ablative are essential to the meaning of the folds in their context, it need not be included in the penalty for syntactic reasons.
3. The causative accompanied by two accusatives, as Skr. dev.n. u.ata. p.yay. havíā, make the wishing gods drink the libation '.
In such sentences, the agent accusative represents the subject of the causative element: as Arthur Ein. If Macdonell (1916) showed that in a corresponding simple sentence this noun would have been given in the nominative, as Skr. dev.haví. pibanti, 'The gods drink the libation.'
Likewise, a simple verb in PIE was mostly accompanied by a noun, except when the additional noun was complementary or adverbial.
Local cases: predicates with two or more nouns
Nonmandatory case forms are found in great variety, as may be determined by the studies of substantive inflections and their uses. Five groups of adverbial elements are identified: (1) circumstance, purpose, or result; (2) time; (3) position; (4) type; (5) Medium.
1, additional case that forms may be used to indicate the purpose, result or circumstance of an action.
E.g. the instrumental in Skr. m..áy. na. suastí'be for our welfare' kind to us.
The dative was generally used in this sense, as in the infinitive form Skr. prá .a .yur j.váse soma t.r. extend our Years, soma, for a living [, so that we may live long]',
NOTE. Cf. Hit. nu-kan mNana-Luin kuin DUMU.LUGAL ANA mNuwanza haluki Para nehhun 'and the prince NanaLUi., whom I sent to Nuwanza to convey the message ', wo Hittite dative noun haluki. (Raman 1973.
When an animate noun is included, that use of the dative has been labeled the indirect object; as, Skr. ri.ákti k .... ra.u..ya pánth.m, 'Black night gives up the path to the red sun '.
NOTE. As these examples may show, like the other cases, the dative must be interpreted with reference to the lexical owners of the oral element.
2, another adverbial part in sentences indicates the time of event. The cases in question are different, as in Skr. dív. nákta. .árum asmád yuyotam, 'During the day and during the night you protect us from the arrow.'
NOTE. The nominal form dív. that is a helpful no more than an adverbial form outside of the paradigm with change of accent, and the accusative nákta. differ in meaning. The helpful, like the locative, relates to a point in time, although the "Point "may be extended; the accusative, to an extent of the time. Distinguishing cases accordingly provides other meanings, for nouns marked for the lexical Species time.
3, Nouns that indicate place also differ in how they mean form according to the legal case:
A. The accusative indicates the goal of an action, as in Lat. R.mam .re Go to rome ', Hitt. do. alki.tan tarnahhe 'and those (birds) that I to branch (Otten and Sou.ek 1969: 38 § 37) 'leave free.
B. The instrumental indicates the passage "over which an action extends" (Macdonell 1916): 306: sárasvaty. y.ntithat them to the Sarasvat. agree.
C. The ablative indicates the starting point of the action: sá ráth.t pap.tathat he fell from his chariot; and the following example from Hittite (Otten and Sou.ek 1969): i..az (.) with l.lan AN.BARa. [d] .i, 'he takes the iron tongue out of their mouths. '
D. The locative indicates a point in space e.g., Skt. diví 'in heaven' or the locative kardi in the following Hittite example (Otten and Sou.ek): kardi-.mi-i.a-bei-kán dahhun, 'And I took away that [sickness that was] in your heart.'
Nouns with lexical features for place and for time may be used in the same sentence as in Skr. ástam úpa náktam eti, 'He goes to the house during the night. ' Although both nouns are in the accusative, the differing lexical features lead to different interpretations of the case. In this way, inflected marks combine with lexical features to produce a wide variety of adverbial elements.
4, Among the adverbial elements which are most diverse in surface forms are those relating to Manner. Various cases are used as follows.
A. The accusative is particularly common with adjectives such as Skt. k.iprám 'fast', bahú 'very', nyák 'down.'
B. The instrumental is also used, in the plural, as in Skt. mahobhi. 'enormous', as well as in the singular 'sáhas.' psuddenly.'
Similar to the expression of the kind is, the helpful used to express the feeling of accompaniment: Skr. devó devébhir.. gamat, the 'May the god come [in such a way that he is] accompanied by that of the other gods.'
C. The ablative is used to express kind also in connection with a limited number of verbs such as those that 'Express fear ': réjante ví.v. k.trím..i bh ..., 'All creatures tremble fearfully.'
5, Adverbial expressions of the means are specially expressed from the helpful; as, Skr. áhan v.trám... índro vájre.a, 'Indra killed ...Vr.tra with his Screw.' The noun often included refers to an instrument; cf. Hitt. kalulupu. .mu. gapinit hulaliemi, 'I wrap the thread around that of her fingers.'
Animated nouns may also be used that way. If they are, point out the agent: agnín. turvá.a. yádu. par.váta ugr.deva. hav.mahe, 'Through Agni whom we call from afar Turvasa, Yadu, and Ugradeva's. This use led to the use of the helpful as the agent in passive constructions.
The sentence was characterized in PIE by patterns of sequence and selection.
A. Selection classes were determined in part by inflection, in part by lexical types, most of which was hidden.
NOTE. Some lexical styles were, at least in part, characterized by formal features, such as marked abstracts, ti, Nouns in the religious sphere marked by, u, characterized and by marked collectives *, hours.
B. In addition to characterization by order and types of selection, the set was also limited by intonation based on variations on pitch.
In that the PIE's pitch phonemes have been determined, a high pitch may be posited that could stand on one syllable per word, and a low pitch that was not so limited.
NOTE. The location of the high pitch is mainly determined by Lehman from the evidence in Wedisch; the theory that this was inherited from PIE received important confirmation from Karls Verner's demonstration of its maintenance in Germanic (1875). Thus the often cited correlation between the position of the accent on the Vedic perfect and the differing consonants in Germanic provided crucial evidence for Reconstruction of the PIE pitch accent as well as for Verner's Law, as in the perfect (simple past) forms of the root deik, show.
Words were characterized on a syllable by a high pitch accent, unless they were enclitic, that is, unmarked for accent.
Stressed words could lose their high pitch accent if they were placed in sentences in certain positions.
A. Vocatives lost their accent when they were middle in a sentence or part of a sentence; and finite verbs lost their accent unless they were initially in an independent clause or in any position in a dependent clause in Vedisch. These same rules may be adopted for PIE. On the basis of the two characteristic patterns of loss of accent on verbs, characteristic patterns of intonation are also perhaps posited for the IE condemn.
Judging in them on the basis of the loss of high pitch accent of the verbs, independent clauses were characterized by finals falling in pitch. For the verb settings in the sentence part in perfect order.
But, clauses that are marked to convey either stress or subordination do not go through such a drop. They may be differentiated with finals
NOTE. The intonation pattern pointed out apparently conveyed the idea of an emotional or emphatic expression or a demanding addition, as if by another part of the sentence. These inferences are supported by the patterns found in Germanic alliterative verse. For, as is well known, verbs were frequently placed by poets in the fourth, nonalliterating, metrically prominent position in the line: þeodcyninga þrym gefr.non, from-people-kings-fame we-hear-from, 'We heard of the glory of kings from that of the people. ' This setting of verbs, which is retained from metrical convention in the Germanic stanza, presumably preserves evidence of the IE intonation pattern. For, in contrast, verbs could alliterate when they were initially in clauses or subordinate clauses; egsode eorlas, syððan .rest wearð, frightened men since they were first, 'He scared men from the time he was first [find].' End wordum w.old wine Scyldinga, as-long-as-also-speaks-the-friend from-der-Scyldings. The patterns of stick rhyme in the oldest Germanic stanza support the inferences derived from the Vedic accent on the intonation of the Indo-European sentence, according to how patterns do in other dialects.
Among such patterns, the preference for enclitic is in the second position in the sentence (Wackernagel 1892). Words found in this position are particles, pronouns, and verbs that have no accent in Vedic texts. This observation by Wackernagel supports the conclusion that the intonation of the movement was characterized by initial high pitch, with the voice following away at the end. Because the enclitical elements were not initially set, but rather they took positions in which unstressed parts of words were expected, as in Skr. pr.vep.m. b.ható m.dayanti, 'The dangling ones of the tall tree delight me. ' The Pronoun. 'I', like other such enclitic, marks on a phrase with the initial word; in this way it is comparable to unstressed syllables of individual words, as in Skr. prav.tej.íri.e várv.t.n.,'[born] in a windy place, rolling on the dice board'
A simple sentence then consisted of not only one unit, which is accompanied by an intonation pattern, but also of sub-units or phrases. These were identified by their accent and also allowed finals by pattern.
Particles worried are PIE nu therefore to, all of them introductory particles.
NOTE. Your homonymity with the adverb nu, nun and the anaphoric pronoun was earlier one of the reasons they and their function were not recognized Indo-supporters of the European idea. But Delbrück had already noticed the introductory function of Skr. sa (1888), as in Skr. tásya t.ni .. r ... i prá cicheda. sá yát somap.nam.sa táta. kapíñjala. sám abhavat, 'He brushed off his heads. Of the one who drank soma, the hazel-bush chicken 'was created. Delbrück identified sa in this and other clauses as a particle and not a pronoun, because it did not match a noun in gender in the sentence. But it was left for Hittite to clear up the situation.
In Hittite texts the introductory use of the particles is unmistakable (J. Friedrich 1960); ta and .u occur mainly in the early texts, nu later, as illustrated in the following Old Hittite example (Otten and Sou.ek 1969): Float-a pe.iemi .u- u. LÚ-a. natta au.zi 'I throw a cloth over it and no one will see it.
Besides such an introductory function (here as 'and' often translated elsewhere), these particles were used as the first element of a chain of enclitic, as in n-at-.i ' and it to-he ', nu-mu-za-kan 'and to-self within 'and so further.
NOTE 1. In Homeric Greek, such strings of particles follow different arrangements but reflect the IE construction than in: oudé nu soí pro entrépetai phílon êtor, Olúmpie, 'But your heart does not notice, Zeus. ' As the translation of perhere shows, some particles have been used to indicate the relationships between parts of the sentence that mark the simple sentence.
NOTE 2. Many simple sentences in PIE would then be similar to those in Hittite and Vedic Sanskrit, such as those in Delbrück's charming .hma .a, taken from .atapathabr. Among the simplest is Skr. tám índro didve.a, 'Indra hated him. ' Presumably is tam a conflated form of the particle taand the enclitical accusative pronoun; the combination is called in Hittite it confirms ta-a, J. Friedrich 1960. In addition to the use of sentence-limiting particles, these examples illustrate the simplicity of PIE sentences. Of the fifteen sentences in the story, only two have more than one nominal form per verb, and these are adverbial as observed above. Similar examples from the other early dialects could be cited, such as the italic inscription of Praeneste, or the Germanic Gallehus inscription: Ek HlewagastiR HoltijaR, den horna tawido, 'I, Hlewagastir von Holt, made the horn. In these late texts the subject was mandatory, and accordingly two nominal forms had come to be common for the set. If the subject is not considered, however, many sentences contained only a nominal element with verbs, in the early dialects as well as the PIE.
The Injunctive has long been identified when a shape removed the marking for mood and marked only for stem and person. It is thus perhaps compared to the simplest form of the OV languages.
In contrast, the current indicative indicates "mood". We associate this additional characteristic with the suffix, i, and take on explanatory meaning for it.
NOTE 1. Yet it is also clear that, up until the time of Vedic Sanskrit and, we assume, Late PIE, the dispositive no longer contrasted directly with the current indicative. We must therefore conclude that the explanatory identifier was expressed in the sentence by other means. We assume that the means of expression was an intonation pattern. For, in normal unmarked simple sentences, finite unstressed verbs finally stood in their clause part when making the predicate elements of nominal sentences; Delbrück's example, which is used again and again, is perhaps cited to illustrate the typical pattern once more: via. k.atríy.ya balí. haranti, 'The villagers pay tribute to the prince. Because the verb haranti was unstressed, i.e., had no high bad luck, we may postulate for the normal, condemn an intonation pattern in which the last elements were accompanied by the sentence of low bad luck.
NOTE 2. Lehman supports this assumption by noting that a conspicuous suprasegmental was used in Wedisch, an opposing feature, interrogation or You're welcome (Wackernagel 1896). Called this brand pluti by native grammarians passed from special length, as in ágn.3i 'O fire (3 indicate a particular length).' In addition to a more direct contrast with the intonation of simple sentences, the emphasis on subordinate clauses may be illustrated. These emphasized verbs, as in the following line from the Rig Veda: antá. approx pr.g. áditir bhav.si, 'When you step inside you will be the Aditi's. As the pitch accent on ág.indicates, verbs in subordinate clauses retained high pitch, in contrast to verbs in independent clauses such as bhav.si. We may conclude that this high pitch was an element of an intonation pattern that indicated incompleteness, something like the pattern of contemporary English.
Evidence from other dialects supports the conclusion to which, in later PIE, explanatory sentences were referred to by means of an intonation pattern with a fall in stress at the end of the sentence part.
NOTE. In Germanic stanzas, verbs of flawless explanatory sentences tend to take unstressed positions in the line, notably the last position (Lehmann 1956). Although the surface expression of the stress pattern in Germanic is burden, rather than the bad luck of Wedisch and PIE, the accidental accentuation mimics, supports our conclusions regarding the PIE intonation.
The interrogation was apparently also indicated by means of the intonation, for some questions in our early texts you have no surface segmental sign that distinguishes them from statements, for example Plautus Aulularia 213, aetatem meam scis, know You my age?'
NOTE. Only context shows to us that this phrase was a question; we may suppose that the spoken form included means of expressing Int., and given expressions in the later dialects, we can only infer that these means were a pattern of intonation.
Questions are generally classified into two groups:
A. Those framed for clarification (Clarification questions), and
B. Those framed for confirmation (Confirmation questions) to obtain. This feature accompanies statements in which a speaker sets out to elicit information from the listener.
NOTE. It could be indicated by an intonation pattern, as known about, or by an attach or a particle to it, or by characteristic patterns of the order, as in German Is he there?Is he 'here?When the interrogative sentence is expressed in this way, the surface mark generally takes the second position among the questioning elements when the entire part of the sentence is questioned. Such means of expression for Int. is found in IE languages as Lat. -ne which, according to Minton Warren, "occurs about (1881) 1,100 times in Plautus and over 40 times in Terence." Except for expressions like Lat. egone 'I?', Sentences like the following come (Plautus Asinaria 884) before: Aúdin pound ait?Artemona: Audio. Heard You what he says? Artemona: yes'
Other evidence for a displaced particle for expressing Int. is found in Avestan in the n / A is suffixed to any interrogatives, as in Av. kas-n. ' who else)?'; and in Germanic where n / A is finally found in Old High German on some issues. Old Church Slavic is more consistent with the use of such a particle as these dialects are you wish as in cho.te.i li to?'This particle is also used in contemporary Russian.
The particle used to express interrogation in Latin, Avestan, and Germanic is homophonic with the particle for expressing negation, PIE n.
NOTE. It's not unlikely to be PIE no of questions is the same particle as the one used for the negative. As the questioning particle, however, it has been lost in most dialects. According to Lehman (1974), its loss is one of the signs that late PIE was not a consistent OV language. According to Mendoza, the fact that such interrogatives of a yes / no answer are introduced by other particles into the oldest confirmed dialects means that no single particle was generalized by Later PIE; cf. Gote. u, Lat. -no, nun, num Gk. ., .., Skr. nu, Sla. left. But, the common offense of Hittite, Indo-Iranian, Germanic and Latin is similar if not the same. In any case, for most linguists rather than a postposed particle 1, intonation was used to express the interrogatives as well as 2, particles that were placed early in clauses, often at the beginning.
The partial interrogative sentences are those expecting an aclaratory answer; they are introduced into PIE from pronominal or adverbial forms, derived from questioning qi / qo herAlways put at the beginning, but for marked sentences where a change in position is admited, stress it.
NOTE. In some languages interrogatives may be strengthened by the addition of the posposed particles with a questioning sense, as in Av. ka.-na. Such forms introduce indirect interrogatives when inquiring about part of the sentence. Indirect interrogatives in the form of total interrogatives (i.e., Not from yes / no answer, are introduced by particles derived from direct interrogative particles (if there are) or by subject links; as a hit. man.
Signs of negation, by which the speaker negates the oral means of the expression, generally occupies third position in the hierarchy of sentence elements.
We can only do the particle postulate n. and m., neither of which is usually postposed after verbs.
NOTE 1. For prohibitive particle m., Compare Gk. .., O.Ind., Av., O.Pers. m., daughter. spoil you / m., Poor. mile, Alb. mos. In other IE dialects it was replaced by n., Cf. Gote. no,Lat.n., (also as a formal negative) Ira. ni. It's not clear if Hitt. l. will eventually be of m derived. or n. CAKE n. is found as a Goth., O.H.G. ni, Lat. , e.g. in nequis, O.Ind. n / A, O.Sla. no and so further. Sometimes found in lengthened or strengthened forms as a hit. natta, Lat. Not, Skr. ned and so further. An ordinary PIE elongated shape is no which appears in lat. ni, Lith. no, Sla. ni and so further., and which in the end may also be told negatively about Proto-Uralic * egg, Kortlandt, v.s.).
NOTE 2. In the oldest languages, negation appears to have been preverbal; Wedischer nákis, Gk. oú tis, m. tis, Lat. n.mo, OHG nioman 'nobody' and so on. The negative element no was not used in unifying in PIE (Brugmann 1904); .-had this function. Moreover, there is evidence for suggesting that other particles were postverbally put in PIE (Delbrück 1897). Delbrück classified them in a special group that he Particles labeled. They have been preserved postpositively mainly in frozen terms: . in Gk. eg..n., ge in harrow 'I (Schwyzer 1939). ' But they are also common in Vedic and early Greek; Delbrück (1897) discusses the use of Skt for length. gha, Gk. ge and Skt. sma, Gk. men, after pronouns, nouns, particles and verbs, cf. Lat. n.lo < ne volo, Goth. nest < ni is, and also, negative forms of the unclear pronoun as O.Ind. m.-kis, ná-kis, Lat. ne-quis, and so on. which may indicate an old initial, absolute position, which could also be supported by the development of the corrleative forms, like Lat. neque and so further. which combine negation and coordination. On the contrary, Lehman believes in an older posposed order, typical of OV languages (i.e). a situation in IE II, because of the normally attributed value of stress to the initial position of negation, post-verbal negation examples, (even absolute last position in Hittite and Greek) of the form's ancient existence no as well as innovative forms like Lat. ne-quis or Gk. oú-tis.
NOTE 3. In Modern Indo-European so, negation should normally be preverbal, as in modern Romance languages (cf. Fr. nest, Spa. no it and so further.), but it can be moved into emphatic contexts, as is customary in modern Germanic languages (cf. Closely. is not, Ger. is not and so further.), as well as in very formal texts, imitating some of the most outdated facts of early PIE dialects.
I.4. Nominal determiners
1. Proto-Indo-European Awarding Adjectives were usually preposed.
NOTE. Delbrück summarizes the facts for Wedisch, Greek, Latin, Lithuanian, and Germanic, giving examples such as following Wedisch: .vet.. párvat., 'white mountains (1900). ' Lehman (1974) adds an example from Hitt. .uppi watar, 'pure water.'
In marked constructions, adjectives could be postposed, as in á.va. .vetá., 'a white horse, a gray.'
2. The position of the attributed genitive is the same as that of the attributed adjective.
NOTE. A notable example is given by the legal language (Delbrück 1900) from Old English: .ðres mannes h.ses dura, 'the door of the other man's house.'
Like the adjective construction, the to-be-awarded-genitive construction may have the qualifier postposed for marked effect, such as sómasya in SB 220.127.116.11 (Delbrück 1878) is: kí. nas táta. sy.d íti?prathamabhak.sá evá sómasyar.jña íti, what could happen for us then?' 'The first treat from [Prince] Soma's.
NOTE 1. The relatively frequent marked use of the genitive may be the reason for the seemingly vacant position of the genitive in Greek and Latin. The ambivalent sequence may also have resulted in a VO sequence from changing these languages. But, as Delbrück shows, the preposed order is well confirmed in the majority of dialects. This order is also typical of Hittite (J). Friedrich 1960. Perhaps that's why we assume it for PIE.
NOTE 2. Consistent with Lehman's views on syntactic structure, the genitive to be recognized, like the adjective to be recognized, must be derived from an embedded sentence. The sentence would allow the counterpart to formulate a noun that in the matrix sentence and would be a predicate nominal sentence. Such independent sentences are confirmed in the older dialects. Delbrück gives a number of examples, among them: a..aú ha vaí putr.ádites, 'Aditi had eight sons.' áhar dev.n.m .s .t, 'Day was one of the gods. ' Accordingly, these sentences illustrate that the genitive was used in predicate nominative clauses to convey what Calvert Watkins has labeled its primary syntactic function: the sense "from hearing. "When such a sentence with an equivalent NP was embedded in another, the NP was deleted and the typical genitive construction resulted. Hittite also uses it sas a genitive as well as a nominative mark. Because "genitive" like ha..anna .. a.'(one) of his race' can can be inflected further, as in the accusative ha..anna .- .an's of (to) his race '(J). Friedrich.
1. In the lineage of the connections specialty incorporating rules, apply.
The verbal connections in a language observe the basic order pattern, for PIE we would expect an older OV order in connections such as this. Skt. agnídh, 'priest' < agni-'Fire' + idh 'ignites.'
NOTE. A direct relationship between links and basic syntactic patterns is only found when the links are primary and productive. After a certain type of connection has become established in a language, further connections may be constructed on the basis of the analogy, for example Gk. híppagros 'wild Horse', in contrast with the usual productive Greek compounds, in which the adjectival element precedes the modified, as in agriókhoiros 'wild pig (Risch 1944-1949). Here we will look at the primary and productive types of connections in PIE.
2. Two major classes and other minor species are found:
A. the synthetics (noun + noun) that make up the majority of the PIE compounds,
a. Pure Synthetics, i.e. noun + noun.
b. Sinthetics, in which the first element is adverbial, i.e. adverb + noun.
B. The Bahuvrihis.
C. Adjective + nouns, apparently not as productive in PIE as in its dialects.
D. A small number of additional connections.
Synthetics consists of a nominal element preceding an oral, in their flawless forms, as in Skt. agnídh, 'priest. ' As in this connection, the ratio of the nominal element to the oral is that of aim.
The particular relationship of nominal and oral elements was determined by the lexical owners of the verb; accordingly, the primary relationship for most PIE verbs was that of aim. But other nominal types could also be used with verbs.
3. Types of Relationships:
1, the Receptorrelationship, as Skr. devahé.ana'when annoying'the gods.'
2, the instrumentor Means-Relationship; as Skr. ádrij.ta sent 'from that of the stones',
The compound .taj. of this passage the timer relationship may illustrate.
3, the Sourcerelationship, as Skr. a.homúc'when liberating'of difficulties.'
4 that Job relationship, as Skr. dru.ád'while sitting'in a tree.'
5, the male relationship; as, Skr. ... nak.t'in action'like a ruler.'
These connections show the various relationships of nominal components with oral components, as in Skr. tv.-datta yielded 'from you.'
NOTE. Synthetics confirmed in Rigveda illustrates all nominal relationships accordingly determinable by sentences. Synthetics can often be compared to proportionate constructions, such as the following sentence: .gnír ag.mi bh.rato v.trah. purucéta.a., 'Agni, the god of the Bharatas, was approached, he who killed Vr.tra, who was seen by many '.
Besides the large number of synthetics of the NV pattern, other VN are confirmed with the pattern. For the most part, these are names and epithets, such as pú..i-gu, a name that means someone who has cattle '(RV 8.51.1) breeds.), And sanád-rayi, the 'Riches' distributed.
The second large group of PIE connections, Bahuvrihis, is derived in accordance with the sentence pattern expressing possession. This pattern is well known from the Latin mihi est-Construction (Bennett 1914); Brugmann 1911: nulli est homini perpetuom bonum, "No man has everlasting blessings."
Lehman is responsible for the ancestry of bahuvrihis, like Lat. magnanimus 'big-hearted ', by assuming that a set of equations with a noun phrase as a subject and a noun in the receptor type showing that possession is embedded with an equivalent noun, as in the following example ('great spirit is to be maned, = 'the man has great spirit '):
To be deleted from the equivalent NP (homini) in the embedded sentence becomes a bahuvrihi connection magnanimus 'greathearted 'generated. This pattern of unity ceased to be primary and productive when the dialects developed oral patterns for expressing possession, such as Lat. habeno'I has.'
Bahuvrihis may be adjective in use, or nominal, as in the vocative use of s.nari'having good strengths' strength (made on by see below 'Well' and * xner ', magical)') in Slr. ví.vasya hí pr..ana. j.vana. tvé, ví yid uchási s.nari, 'For the breath and life of all is within you, when you illuminate the heavens, you who have good strength. ' The Greek relative may illustrate the adjectival usage: phéron d eu.nora khalkón, the They carried the bronze of good strength on board. The bahuvrihis is accordingly similar to synthetics in that it is comparable to proportionate clauses.
NOTE. Although the bahuvrihis is no longer primary and productive in the later dialects, its pattern remained remarkably persistent, as we may possibly differ from notice philo, united in Greek, like philósophos, someonewho holds wisdom honored, phíloinos, someonewho likes wine and much more. Besides the loss of the underlying syntactic pattern, the introduction of other accentual patterns removed the basis for bahuvrihis. When Risch pointed out, Greek could do it eupát.r either be a bahuvrihi who 'a good father ' or one tatpurusha 'has a noble father '. In the period before the position of the accent would be determined by the quantity of last syllables, had the bahuvrihi the accent on the preceding syllable, such as r.ja-putra, the 'Has kings as sons, RV 2.27.7, in contrast with the son of tatpurusha r.ja-putrá-'King's, RV 10.40.3. The bahuvrihis in time, only a few of which should be posited for late PIE, are then far less common than tatpurushas. One example is Gk. propát.r-'Ahn. ' If the contested etymology is Latin proprius 'own 'is assumed, * Professional p (a) triós'from the ancestors, there is evidence to adopt a PIE etymon; Wackernagel (1905) derives Sanskrit connections such as prá-pada-'Tip of the foot ' from PIE off. Yet the small number of such compounds in the early dialects shows that they were formed in the late phase of the PIE (Risch).
NOTE 2. Dvandvas how índr.vi ... u and some other patterns, such as the teenage years, were not very productive in PIE, if they were to be adopted at all. Their lack of productiveness may reflect poorly developed coordination constructions in PIE (Lehmann 1969). Besides the extension of tatpurushas and dvandvas in the dialects, we must also note the use of extended root forms. Thematic forms of noun stems and stemmed, oral root forms are used, as in Skt. deva-k.ta made 'by that of the gods. ' Such extended components become more prominent and are ultimately characteristic elements of the connections, than the connecting vowel, o-in Greek and in early Germanic; Gk. Apolló-d.ros 'Gift from Appollo 'and (a n, stem) Goth. guma-kunds 'male sex (also an n-stem). ' But the relationships between the components remain unchanged by such morphological innovations. The large number of tatpurushas in the dialects reflects the protrusion of the embedding-modifier constructions when the earlier synthetics and bahuvrihis contemplated embedding sentences, often emptying noun nodes. As known about, they have accordingly given us valuable information about PIE condemn species and their internal relationships.
Nouns are generally alone by qualifiers, as characteristic passages from an Obsolete Hymn from the Rig Veda and Old Hittite text may show.
Demonstrative things are rare; Nouns that could be kept definite have no accompanying decisive mark unless they should be emphasized.The demonstrative then precedes it.
The relation between such demonstratives and accompanying nouns has been assumed to be appositional; it may be preferable to label the relationship a loose one, such as pronoun or noun plus noun, rather than adjective or article plus noun.
NOTE. In Homer too, the "article" is generally an anaphoric pronoun and differs from demonstratives by its lack of deictic meaning relating to location (Munro). Nominal phrases as found in Classical Greek, or in later dialects are subsequent developments; the relationship between syntactic elements, which is told by congruence, such as adjectives, or even alongside case, such as genitives, can often be warmed to an appositional relationship (Meillet 1937) as similar.
To illustrate nominal phrases, cf. Wedischer e..m marút.m, "of-them of-maruts. "The nominal phrase, which may consist of a demonstrative preceding, seems to be a noun e..m marút.m, will be up divided to the end of the line; accordingly must e..m interpreted as pronominal rather than adjectival.
The following Hittite passage from a ritual illustrates a similar asyndetic relationship between the elements of nominal phrases (Otten and Sou.ek 1969): harkanzi, ma .an dHanta.epe. anduh.a. har.a [(r)] .a gi..UKURhi .aBut the Hanta.epa gods hold heads of men as well as lances. In this sentence the nouns for 'Heads' and 'Lances 'complement'it. ' Moreover, while the meaning of the last word is uncertain, its relation to the preceding elements is imprecise because it is a nominative plural, not an accusative. Virtually any line of Homer could be cited to illustrate the absence of close relationships between members in nominal phrases; cf. Odyssey n.u.s dé moi h.d hést.ken ep 'agrou. nósphi pól.os, en liméni Rheíthr.i hupò N.í.i hul.enti, 'My ship is berthed over there, away from the city in the country, in a port called Rheithron under Neion, which is 'wooded'. The nouns have no determiners even if how n.us are she decides; and the determiners with liméni and Neíoi seems to be loosely related epithets rather than closely related descriptive adjectives.
The conclusions about the lack of closely related nominal phrases are perhaps supported by the status of the connections in PIE. The compounds consisting of descriptive adjectives + noun are later; the most productive is orally reduced rather than nominal constructions. And the bahuvrihis, indicating a descriptive relationship between the first element and the second, supports the conclusion that the relationship is relatively general; r.já-putra means to Example, 'To have sons, the kings are instead 'to have royal sons'; gó-vapus means, 'to have a shape like a cow 'that it is said of rainclouds, for which the epithet suggests the fertilizing quality rather than the physical form.
Accordingly, closely related nominal expressions are acceptable for dialects only, not PIE. Definiteness was not indicated for nouns. The primary relationship between nominal elements, whether nouns or adjectives, was appositional.
The syntactic patterns were adopted so that late PIE may be illustrated by narrative passages from the early dialects. The following passage tells of King Hari.chandra, who has been childless, but having promised Varuna has a son that he will sacrifice every son to him. After the birth of the son, however, the king asks Varuna to postpone the time of the sacrifice until the son finally escapes to the forest; a few lines are enough to illustrate the simple syntactic patterns.
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