Illegal immigration causes overpopulation
Not only is there a lack of money
1 December / January /, 50 SFr. 8.90 Magazine for global development and ecumenical cooperation It is not just a lack of money What poverty means and how it is combated REFUGEES: Scare-mongering with the numbers COCOA CULTIVATION: Sustainably into the dead end NEW FAO- BOSS: Unplanned West, cunning China
2 Sharpen your eyes on vacation TAZ REISEN 2020 A SELECTION Group tours for individualists accompanied by taz correspondents Since 2008, the Berlin daily taz has been organizing study trips accompanied by its employees abroad. They have personal contacts with people who are involved in projects and citizens' initiatives. In encounters with such actors from civil society, you will get to know the holiday destination and its social dynamics more intensively and of course there will also be time for beautiful landscapes, busy markets and impressive buildings. In spring and summer 2020 there will be the following taz trips (the prices can be found on our website from December 2019: Sulaimaniya Halabja Erbil Dohuk Lalesh Amediyeh KURDISTAN IRAK with Georg Baltissen April 9th to 19th, 11 days city trip with boat trip on the Bosporus to the Black Sea ISTANBUL Jürgen Gottschlich April 11th to 19th, 9 days Marrakech - High Atlas - Tamellalt (Dadès Valley) - Zagora - Tazenakht MOROCCO SOUTH with Thomas Hartmann April 11th to 23rd, 13 days Beirut Byblos Bscharré Baalbek Beiteddin Chouf Mountains LEBANON mitjannis Hagmann (May) / Larissa Bender (Oct.) May 20-29 / October 14-23, 10 days city trip to the 14th Art Biennale in Senegal's capital DAKAR KUNST BIENNALE DAK ART with Ibou C. Diop May 26th to June 5th, 11 days city trip to the most beautiful city of Iran and the modern capital ISFAHAN TEHERAN with Thomas Hartmann May 30th to June 8th, 10 days Göhrde - Elbe - around Gorleben - Gartow WENDLAND CYCLE TOUR with Reimar Paul June 21-27 i, 7 days All information about the taz-Reisen on or by phone (0 30) taz Verlags- und Vertriebs-GmbH, Friedrichstraße 21, Berlin Reisen in die Zivilgesellschaft
3 editorial 3 Dear Readers, Bernd Ludermann Editor-in-Chief in Lebanon and Iran, in Bolivia, Haiti and Colombia in many places people take to the streets against their government. There are many different reasons for this, but one of them is the gap between rich and poor practically everywhere. You can watch them in Lima, the capital of Peru, as if under a magnifying glass: the wealthy seal off their district with a wall from the poor. Hildegard Willer explored how people on both sides of this building think about the social divide. However, revolts and street protests usually do not start with the poorest of the poor. Improving their situation is a key objective of development policy. And the statistics show great progress here: The proportion of the extremely poor in the population has fallen sharply worldwide. Peter Dörrie explains why these numbers and their interpretation are hotly controversial. My colleague Melanie Kräuter points to an undisputed success: women continue to have a higher risk of poverty than men, but globally they have clearly caught up because they are more gainfully employed almost everywhere. At the end of the year you will again receive a double edition of; the next issue will appear at the end of January. The editors wish you a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year! For example in the textile industry in Bangladesh: It has made a major contribution to the fight against poverty in the South Asian country; Raffat Rashid found out that conditions in the factories have recently improved. In contrast, Rwanda's reports of success in the fight against poverty are at least partly based on statistical trick series, reports Markus Spörndli. And Namrata Kolachalam asked for welt-sichten what India's rich and the growing middle class are doing for the poor in their own country; the findings are very mixed. Chocolate is especially popular at Christmas, and most of the cocoa for it comes from West Africa. Many cocoa trees there are outdated, which is why chocolate companies are supporting the planting of new trees. But that actually harms the farmers, explains Michael Ehis Odijie. Christina Foerch Saab reports on the revolt and departure in Lebanon. And Colum Lynch and Robbie Gramer tell a lesson about political bungling: how the US government got lost in the election of the new FAO chief and was outmaneuvered by China. We wish you exciting reading hours / 1-2020
4 4 contents SAZZAD IBNE SAYED 12 More than 1,600 people work in the textile factory in Doguri on the outskirts of Bangladesh's capital Dhaka. This branch of industry offers women in particular the chance to escape poverty. 33 A beggar kneels in front of the Taj Mahal Palace Hotel in Mumbai. In India, around a fifth of the population still lives in extreme poverty. FRANK BIENEWALD / GETTY IMAGES focus: Poverty 12 The wall between rich and poor In Lima the poor are locked out of the neighborhoods of the affluent Hildegard Willer Cover story 18 Of numbers and people The number of the extremely poor has fallen sharply what does this statistic mean? Peter Dörrie 22 The poorest depend on their immediate family Interview with development economist Edward Jones about understanding poverty in Mozambique 24 Equal rights would help Despite reports of success, women are still more often poor than men Melanie Kräuter 27 Nobel Prize for hardly surprising findings In the fight against poverty The studies of the Nobel Prize winners in economics are of little help Sanjay G. Reddy 30 Tricks on the poverty rate Rwanda's government is accused of having falsified statistics Markus Spörndli Parts of this edition contain the dossier It depends on the people !, a supplement from the Pro Asyl Association, from PowerShift ev, the German Foundation for World Population, the Blätter Verlagsgesellschaft, the Southern Africa Information Center and Der Freitag as well as a supplement from. 33 Ascent with the sewing machine Despite grievances, the population of Bangladesh benefits from the textile industry Raffat Rashid 36 Super rich and stingy In India, the number of millionaires is growing their willingness to donate but not Namrata Kolachalam / 1-2020
5 content 5 AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES viewpoints 6 prelude 8 comment: scaremongering with the numbers. Talk of an unprecedented scale of the refugee crisis is wrong and dangerous Benjamin Thomas White 10 Letters to the Editor 11 Editorials: More military does not mean more security. Europe wants to create peace? Then it has to prepare for it, instead of just talking about armament. Tillmann Elliesen A farmer harvests cocoa at Sinfra in Côte d Ivoire. Chocolate companies promote the cultivation of new cocoa trees on old farms; however, other fruits are more rewarding for farming families. 46 motion detector 44 Editor column: Children's rights are part of the Basic Law Katrin Weidemann 44 Five questions: Volker Rath from the aid organization Cap Anamur 39 Help us first, development agencies must not turn a blind eye to social problems in Germany Tillmann Elliesen 42 You can effectively tax assets Talk to the Swiss economist Isabel Z.
6 6 viewpoints OPENING gado KURZ explains the dispute over Bolivia's lithium Janine Romero is a political scientist and did her doctorate at the University of Erfurt on the question of how the local population in Bolivia perceives the extraction of lithium. At the beginning of November, Bolivia surprisingly declared its cooperation with the German company ACI Systems Alemania (ACISA) in the mining of lithium to be over. What happened? That has to do with the political crisis in Bolivia. When Evo Morales decided to put the project on hold, he had not yet resigned as president, but he was already under strong pressure within the population around the Salar de Uyuni salt lake, where the lithium is extracted. When I conducted interviews there three years ago, most of the residents supported the project because they hoped it would generate income. There was controversy over how this income is distributed. But many trusted Evo Morales' party to solve the problem. In the past few months, however, the criticism has grown louder. So the government stopped the project to keep its supporters engaged and to show that local group concerns are being taken seriously. What exactly is the dispute about? Bolivia's mining law stipulates that three percent of sales from mining projects go to the local population. The province receives 85 percent of this, in this case Potosí. The remaining 15 percent go to the mining community. However, the government has never made it really transparent which of the five communities around the salt lake will benefit. In addition, there are historically burdened tensions between the communities in which various indigenous groups live. Is it also about environmental damage such as the lack of water? In the past this has hardly played a major role for the local people, although this is of course a problem. But it was more important for the people to profit economically from the mining. The region is one of the poorest in Bolivia. In the course of the current criticism, however, there have also been calls for a closer look at the environmental impacts. How can it go on now? Whoever will be in charge of government in the future cannot avoid the subject. The dismantling cannot simply be ended. A lot has already been invested and systems have been built. In addition, the politics among the population with the project / 1-2020
7 prelude standpoints 7 mature performance Telling your political opponent that you have fewer democratic rights is a gross foul. That's one of the things with clichés: no sooner have you chased them out the door than they sneak back in through the window. The Association of German Africa Experts, the VAD, is not immune to this either. For decades, its scholars have analyzed, criticized and decolonized discourses about Africa. They protested when all the countries of Africa were lumped together again as professional cliché hunters. And now their 2020 annual conference should treat Africa as a challenge for the rest of the world. Members are promptly indignant about their own association. To them, the conference call to Africa only consists of problems and Africa is completely different. To be honest, they are right about that. Nevertheless, they are on the wrong track. They fail to recognize that clichés are not only inherently tough and insidious, they are now also chic. Nowadays one no longer has to question one's prejudices in public debates or hide them shamefully behind politically correct phrases. Writing against them from the ivory tower is no longer a promising academic business model. The management of the VAD understood that Africa research cannot go on as before. In order to be able to speak in public again, she cleverly gives every sentence of her conference call with the word Challenge the necessary vagueness and a pinch of unclear provocation. Instead of running against clichés like Don Quixote once did against the windmills, she comes to terms with her omnipresence and plays with it. It's clever and timely. It is good that the VAD is finally opening up to the new mission statement, which reads: That will probably still be allowed to be said! The Green MEP Sven Giegold on the NGO campaign to ban the lobbying work of oil and coal companies (page 64). Who will reach NATO's two percent target? Share of defense spending in gross domestic product (in%) fueled high expectations. A reorganization must therefore also include a real dialogue with the local population. What can the German partner do? The options are limited. ACISA can insist on an independent environmental report and more transparency in the distribution of income, but politics in Bolivia has to implement this. The German company wanted to strengthen local value creation, for example with the production of battery cells on site and training. If she withdrew now, the churches would be left empty-handed. The interview was conducted by Sebastian Drescher. 5% 4% 3% 2% 1% 0% 4.37 USA 3.42 2.94 2.51 NATO total, 16 2.13 UK 1.87 1.84 France 2019 * 1.55 1.58 NATO Europe 1.31 1.36 1.32 1.22 Germany Italy 1.04 0.92 Spain * Estimate Source: NATO / 1-2020
8 8 viewpoints COMMENT Scare tactics with the numbers The talk of an unprecedented extent of the refugee crisis is wrong and dangerous By Benjamin Thomas White Humanitarian workers often claim that there are more refugees than ever before. This is evidence of an awareness that has been forgotten about history, it damages one's own concerns and, in the worst case, fuels an anti-immigrant discourse. At an event organized by the International Committee of the Red Cross, British businessman Richard Branson sounded the alarm: the number of refugees worldwide has reached unprecedented levels, Branson said in his speech. On the same day, the BBC news channel reported that there were more displaced people than ever before: 70.8 million people, one in every 100 people in the world was homeless. The fact that the number of displaced people has reached a record high has been repeated like a prayer wheel by humanitarian workers in recent years. And every new statistic published by the UN refugee agency UNHCR fuels this claim. In relation to the world population there are fewer refugees today than in the past and the opportunities to help are better. But is it also true? Probably not. At best, the thesis is misleading. But if it is presented to justify humanitarian aid, it is more likely to be harmful. The claim is false for two reasons. First, because their representatives have no clue about history. During World War II, 200 million people were displaced from their homes in Europe and Asia in China alone, 100 million. The current number of refugees worldwide would have to double or even triple to actually reach a record high or an unprecedented level. Second, there are no meaningful statistics for the past. The UNHCR has recorded refugees under its mandate since 1951; The UN Aid Organization for Palestine Refugees in the Middle East UNRWA has been counting Palestinian refugees since In addition, the original mandate of the UNHCR was narrowly defined: The UN organization was exclusively responsible for people who were displaced in Europe before January 1, 1951. It was only after 1967 that all refugees came under the UNHCR's mandate, with the exception of the Palestinians. Meanwhile, the larger knowledge gap exists with regard to internally displaced persons, who make up around two-thirds of those registered by the UNHCR. The UNHCR has only been responsible for refugees within their own country since the mid-1990s. There are hardly any reliable statistics for the time before. The Geneva-based observation center for internal displacement has been trying to count internally displaced persons since the 1990s. But it is a difficult undertaking also because governments that may be guilty of the evictions want to prevent it. The at least ten million people who were displaced on the Indian subcontinent after the division of the British colony are not included in the historical refugee figures. Nor do they include the three million Algerian Muslims who were forcibly relocated during the War of Independence, or all the Chinese refugees during the famine during Mao's great leap forward and cultural revolution. The number of historically unrecorded refugees is in the double-digit million range. In other words, we simply don't know if there are more refugees today than ever before. So such claims are usually incorrect. They are also misleading because the absolute numbers are anyway less important than the relative ones. In relation to the total world population, today's numbers are not exceptionally high. In the late 1940s, around two billion people lived on earth: the total of 200 million refugees during the Second World War made up almost ten percent of the world's population. Today, of 7.7 billion people, around 70.8 million are homeless, less than one percent, a much smaller proportion than before. But it is not only the population that plays a role: While the world population is around four times as large as it was in 1945, the world economy has expanded many times over. The economic capacities to care for refugees have increased enormously compared to the 1940s, the 1970s and also the 1990s. There are also much more effective state, international and civil society organizations / 1-2020
9 comment viewpoints 9 Wolfgang AMMER Benjamin Thomas White is a historian and researches refugee history at the University of Glasgow. His contribution first appeared on the online platform The New Humanitarian. support for refugees. So: In relation to the total population, there are fewer refugees today than in the past and the possibilities for support are more numerous and more effective. It is therefore misleading to claim that the number of refugees is record high or has reached unprecedented levels, mainly because the core problem is not the size, but the lack of political will to address the issue.Why are such claims not only false and misleading but also counterproductive? There is a good intention behind the claim by humanitarian workers: they believe that by doing so, they will mobilize public and political support. They believe that people are more likely to donate money or get involved as activists or volunteers. And they believe that governments will then provide aid, take action themselves, activate their diplomatic channels in order to end crises that have caused displacement, take in more refugees, and so on and so on. In some cases it may be true. But I think that mostly does the opposite. Constantly riding around on the unprecedented scale of the refugee crisis can create a sense of horror or helplessness that paralyzes and does not encourage action. If the number of displaced people, asylum seekers and internally displaced persons is greater than the population of Colombia, Great Britain or Kenya, how can Colombia, Great Britain or Kenya be expected to take them all in? But not only that. The picture of the millions of refugees knocking on our door shows that emphasizing the unprecedented extent can also fuel an anti-migrant discourse. Finally, there is often a fundamental problem in the statistics on refugees and displacement. Always talking about the monstrous extent of displacement reduces the complexity of the various causes of flight to a single, unimaginable crisis. This makes it difficult for the public and for politicians to understand specific forms of flight and migration, to classify them and to develop smaller but more effective solutions. In addition, the biographies of millions of different people are reduced to this one large number: 70.8 million. This is problematic because you cannot develop empathy for statistics. Removing individual people from the picture and instead just talking about the record high reduces public sympathy and support instead of increasing it. The world's displaced deserve better. Translated from the English by Moritz Elliesen / 1-2020
10 10 viewpoints Letters to the editor Don't let allegations fool you To the article Fairtrade or Fair washing ?, welt-sichten 11/2019 The article misjudges the origin and the aim of Fairtrade or TransFair; The 3rd World Saar campaign should also know. TransFair was founded to increase the sales opportunities for fair trade products from small farmer cooperatives and to enable lower-income groups to buy fair trade products. Fairtrade-labeled products are no longer niche products; in the last five years alone, sales have increased fivefold. This has only become possible thanks to the supermarkets, among other things. Fairtrade or TransFair cannot be held responsible for the problem of low wages in supermarkets and cannot be solved from there. For this problem there are politics, trade unions and civil society engagement in Germany. There is no such thing for small farmers or textile and other workers. Only through Fairtrade can they stabilize and build community structures. TransFair must stick to this profile and aim and not allow itself to be misled by the accusation of fairwashing. Herbert Babel, Ludwigsburg Basic misunderstanding The article about TransFair and various trading partners is based on a basic misunderstanding about the tasks of the individual actors. We are also in constant contact with trade unions and with our union-related member organizations. Fairtrade is committed to fair living and working conditions and, in accordance with the association's mandate, above all for fair working conditions at producer organizations in the global south. Here, the standard for wage-dependent employees, together with specific projects, cooperation with local trade unions and strengthening the self-organization of workers, ensures measurable changes, as numerous studies show. Trade unions advocate fair working conditions, primarily for the conditions of their members. The members of the NGG, for example in Germany in the hospitality industry, a sector with many precarious working conditions and major problems. This is the division of labor between socially committed actors, and this is how ver.di recognized it in a resolution from 2011, which clearly positions itself positively towards TransFair / Fairtrade. TransFair is trying to close the huge gap that exists because we do not have strong unions or effective human rights due diligence on the part of companies around the world. TransFair's cooperation with companies is therefore by no means an anti-union act. Transfair e. V., welt-sichten.org The editorial team is happy to receive letters from the readers, but reserves the right to shorten them. Advertisement M. Kazimirovic: The curse of NATO uranium ammunition in Serbia ++ H. Hofbauer: On the death of Immanuel Wallerstein ++ T. Wüthrich: ILO Convention against Violence & Harassment in the Working World ++ P. Clausing: Climate Debt of Agriculture + + Interview with K. Otte: Destroyed health & destructive capitalism ++ M. Gerner: The refugee drama on Lesbos ++ T. Kuczynski: The central banks & their concern about inflation that is too low The global lunapark: the great pleasure At whose expense? the glitter of the shopping malls Who can still buy ?, the fireworks over the Alster, over Hong Kong and Sydney Who pays for what sparkles? and the defense at the Hindu Kush, Guantánamo and state receptions The Dalai Lama Rolf Becker blesses Angela Merkel. journal on the criticism of the global economy China & the crisis D 6.50 euros - A 6.50 euros - CH 9.90 CHF - BENELUX 6.90 euros // Issue 47> Autumn 2019 journal on the criticism of the global economy Bertolt Brecht wrote in The refugee talks: The men in the economic research institutes, who had precise notations on the field of economic phenomena, only showed their heads by shaking it. Almost eighty years after this was written, the many men and the few women in the economic research institutes should have even more precise notations in the field of economic phenomena. Nevertheless, they remain vague or they are wrong when they write about the state of the economy and make their economic forecasts. In the case of a current analysis, there are two elements that make a prognosis based on Marxism more realistic. First, the necessary classification in the medium and long-term development of capitalism. The current state of the world economy must be understood as part of the longer-term business cycle. Second, the correct understanding of the major economic policy trends as part of the economic process, here: the correct analysis of the trade dispute. Among other things, our issue 47 is dedicated to this. Trial issue & subscription normal subscription 4 issues / year Germany (D) / Austria (AT) normal subscription PLUS 4 issues / year + 2 issues LP21 Extra D / AT social subscription 4 issues / year D / AT social subscription 6 issues + 2 booklets LP21 Extra D / AT 26 euros Pro booklet 6.5 35 euros 0 euros o + p 16 euros / orto 22 euros
11 leading article viewpoints More military does not mean more security Europe wants to create peace? Then it has to prepare for it instead of just talking about armament By Tillmann Elliesen T he has to melt on your tongue: For years Europe has been watching more or less idly as a state in close proximity to Syria sinks into war and chaos , or even actively contributes to it, as in Libya, in that members of the European Union support different parties to the conflict. And then the German Defense Minister Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer came up with the idea that Germany, together with allies, should send military into Southeast Asian waters in order to counter the influence of China on the side of Japan, Australia and South Korea. These countries wanted a sign of solidarity, and it is time for Germany to send out such a sign, said Kramp-Karrenbauer at a conference in Munich in November. A few weeks ago I praised the CDU politician on our website: I found your proposal to set up an international protection zone in the embattled northern Syria, not so much because I thought that it would have a real chance of realization in the near future, but because I was glad that there was another sign from Europe to deal with the war in Syria instead of leaving the field to Turkey, Russia, Iran, the USA and Syrian President Assad. Ursula von der Leyen's perspective is that of a Europe that is on its own in an inhospitable world and has to arm itself accordingly. Today I am embarrassed by this praise. In the meantime, the Defense Minister not only fantasizes about naval missions on the other side of the world, but also complains about a certain weaning in Germany when it comes to sending soldiers into the world - a weaning that must be reversed. I therefore take my praise back and instead join the Green foreign politician Jürgen Trittin, who briefly described Kramp-Karrenbauer's latest security policy advances in an interview as fact-free talk. The problem is that fact-free talk can create facts. It is frustrating to see how one-sided the debate over the past few weeks about Europe's security role has been. When Europe’s responsibility is talked about, it is usually about military responsibility. When there is talk of the need for Europe to become more independent, it is about military independence. It is almost always about armament and the ability to wage war oneself, and far too little is about Europe's potential strength to exert an influence in the world with diplomacy, multilateral initiatives and tools for civil conflict management. This is also evident in the new EU Commission headed by Ursula von der Leyen, which will start work at the turn of the year. The Christian Democrat wants a geopolitical commission and that would be welcomed if the idea behind it were for the European Union to become more actively involved in international politics and to help resolve conflicts and promote development. But the so-called Mission Letters, in which the President of the Commission outlines the tasks of the individual Commissioners, show that from Leyen's perspective, too, that of a Europe is that in an increasingly inhospitable world, it is more and more dependent on itself and is therefore armed accordingly got to. The only concrete requirement for the new EU foreign affairs representative, Josep Borrell, is to build a European Defense Union within five years. Why not the requirement to work out a concept for a Europe as an international peacemaker at the same time? After protests, von der Leyen changed the job title of the new homeland security commissioner Margaritis Schinas from protecting the European way of life to promoting the same. But Schina's job description still fits better to a commissioner for foreclosure by all means. Not a word in the fact that Europe, with a committed and forward-looking peace and development policy, could actually advertise its principles of freedom, democracy and the rule of law around the world. And the new Commissioner for International Partnerships, Jutta Urpilainen, has the unequivocal mandate to cut development aid to countries if they do not play according to EU rules when it comes to migration policy. Yes, the world has become more uncertain and unpredictable in some ways. Of course, Europe must adapt to this and act in accordance with its interests. But: Those who want peace must prepare for peace. The federal government with or without Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer should remember this sentence from the Protestant peace memorandum from 2007 when it takes over the EU Council Presidency next July, instead of just preparing for the next war and wanting to get used to military operations . 11
12 12 focus on poverty The wall between In Latin America's cities, the wealthy isolate themselves from the poor, be it in Rio de Janeiro, Caracas, Bogotá or Buenos Aires. The wall across Peru's capital Lima has become a symbol of this social segregation / 1-2020
13 Poverty focus 13 Poor and rich By Hildegard Willer Sunday morning at 8 o'clock in the modern, well-heeled Miraflores district of the 10 million city Lima. The streets are still quite empty, there are even free spaces on the America bus line, which runs to Pamplona Alta at the very end of the city. The bus first drives through wide shopping streets and past modern high-rise buildings. Then there are the more middle-class quarters with single family houses and small parks. The traffic lights work, and if they don't, a policeman directs the traffic. After a half hour drive, the panorama changes. There is no sidewalk next to the road, just dust. Wild piles of rubbish are increasing, as are street stalls and food stalls. In between there is always one of the new, modern shopping malls with the names of the world-famous chains. After an hour's drive, the asphalt also stops. The bus rumbles up a sandy hill on a dirt road. Here you can see that Lima is in a desert. No more artificially watered parks or trees. To the right and left of the piste are dusty houses, crowded together, some still half under construction and most of them unplastered. It smells like damp sand, dog piss and the fact that the garbage truck hasn't come around for a while. A tanker truck, filled with water, drives past. As you get out of the car, emaciated street dogs and Juanita Porre greet you. The 60-year-old woman with the red cap sits behind a wooden cart and offers breakfast. She pours hot water from a thermos onto the instant coffee from the bag and hands a lobster roll with avocado. That makes two soles together, around 60 cents, she says in a Spanish that you can hear that her mother tongue is Quechua. In Miraflores, where I left an hour ago, I would pay at least seven times as much in one of the chic cafes. One left: The Wall of Shame in Lima. Right: Juanita Porre sells coffee and bread rolls behind her wooden cart in a poor neighborhood. BRAULIo ZARATE; HILDEGARd WILLER / 1-2020
14 14 focus on poverty At the guard house, the employees register exactly who is driving into the rich district of Las Casuarinas: only residents and visitors with access permits are allowed to pass. HILDEGARd WILLER Playing on the wall of shame: This boy doesn't let the concrete-poured separation of rich and poor spoil his mood. HILDEGARd WILLER Hour drive just separates Miraflores and Pamplona Alta. It's one and the same city. And yet there are two worlds that could not be more separate. At the top of the hill above Pamplona Alta you can see what this segregation looks like cast in concrete. A concrete wall around two meters high stretches down the entire hilltop. To the left of the wall, the slopes are littered with little houses, almost all huts. Without any fortification, they were pounded out of the ground by their residents. If there should be a somewhat more violent earthquake, which one must always reckon with in Lima, the first victims will be lamented here. It is a so-called wild settlement, for which none of the residents has deposited money, let alone a land registry entry. Nueva Rinconada, built right up to the wall, is one of the poorest neighborhoods in Lima. On the right side of the wall, on the other hand, is Las Casuarinas, one of the most exclusive residential areas in Lima. From above you can first see a lot of free space. To be rich means to have a lot of space. Only further down do you see isolated white concrete buildings through the coastal fog in the midst of many greens. The wall is several kilometers long. Construction began in the 1980s as more and more people moved from the Andes to the capital from poverty or civil war. The wall separates the once wild settlements of San Juan de Miraflores, Pamplona Alta and Nueva Rinconada from the middle-class district of Santiago de Surco and its enclave Las Casuarinas. The wall made it to some prominence in the international press the world climate conference took place in Lima. The NGO Oxfam took the hype in the press as an opportunity to invite the international journalists present to Nueva Rinconada to show how people in today's Lima still live without running water. The journalists from the wall were more horrified than about the deserts and coined the name for apartheid cast in concrete: wall of shame. There's a good deal of sensationalism in there, says Christian Ipanagué. After all, Lima is full of walls and fences, and this is by no means the only wall. The environmental activist regularly takes groups up the mountain to show the Loma vegetation blooming on the bare hills in winter. From June to September, the coastal fog is so dense that the otherwise bare hills turn green and represent a unique ecosystem that the residents of Lima have so far paid little attention to. Loma hikers have only been populating the hills above the poor huts on weekends for a few years. The groups then inevitably pass the wall. It is a symbol of how little integrated our city is, says Christian.The 32-year-old grew up on the poor side of the wall, not in Nueva Rinconada, but in Pamplona Alta, further down the hill where rural Andean people settled 50 years ago. Its history stands for that of millions of Limeños, as the people of Lima are called. His grandparents left their piece of land somewhere in the Andes to make their fortune in the capital and, above all, to give their children a better life / 1-2020
15 Poverty focus 15 enabling. It all started on a dusty area that was then at the gates of Lima. First my grandfather was a street vendor, then he was able to open a market stall, says Christian of his family. His mother established herself as a businesswoman in the market in his neighborhood. Christian is the first of the family to go to university. History. A success story and yet his neighborhood is portrayed in the Peruvian media either as criminal or as needy. The state is simply not doing its job here, criticizes Christian Ipanague. There is no functioning garbage disposal, in Nueva Rinconada people have to buy Lima's most expensive water from private tankers. For public transport there are only rickety private minibuses. His college friend Diana Moreno sees it differently. She came from El Agustino to accompany Christian on the hike through the Lomas. Her grandmother was still illiterate and had lost five of her ten children to diseases of poverty such as pneumonia. Her granddaughter Diana Moreno studied biology and founded her own start-up at the age of 27. The energetic Diana wants to bring a herbal powder for filtering drinking water onto the market. It depends on everyone's attitude whether they can escape poverty. In any case, she doesn't want to stay in El Agustino: It's too dangerous for me, I don't always want to be afraid of robberies when I come home late at night. As soon as she has the opportunity, she will look for work in the modern part of Lima and leave her poor neighborhood past behind. Peru is proud of its successes in fighting poverty: poverty fell by 30 percent in the years of the great gold and copper boom between 2006 and 2016, says the ethnologist Norma Correa from the Catholic University of Peru. She specializes in the evaluation of poverty reduction programs. Thanks to the high state income and tailor-made social programs, especially for the rural poor, the numbers of poverty have been reduced. According to Norma Correa, the monetary poverty line in Peru is 328 soles per person per month, i.e. around 90 euros. In the big city of Lima, most people earn more and are therefore no longer counted as poor. The people have by no means made it into the solid middle class. Take a mototaxi driver. He might earn the equivalent of 450 euros a month with a seven-day week. If he gets sick, not only does his income fail, but the family also has to shoulder the health costs, explains Norma Correa. The new colleague Christian Ipanagué, so celebrated in the Peruvian media, grew up on the poor side of the wall. He was the first of his family to study. HILDEGARd WILLER Advertisement XXV International Rosa Luxemburg Conference January 11, 2020 Mercure Hotel MOA Stephanstraße 41, Berlin hosted by / The XXV. International Rosa Luxemburg Conference is supported by more than 30 organizations and groups. Information on the program and ticket orders (admission wristbands) at: rosa-luxemburg-konferenz.de
16 16 focus on poverty In the former wild settlement of Nuevo Rinconada, the state does not provide rubbish collection or running water to this day. BRAULIo ZARATE There is no functioning garbage disposal in poor Nueva Rinconada and people have to buy Lima's most expensive water from tank trucks. A mototaxi in the poor neighborhood of Nuevo Rinconada. The drivers earn maybe 450 euros a month if they work seven days a week. HILDEGARd WILLER telschicht always dangles one leg on the edge of poverty, even when it populates the new, modern shopping malls. For Rolando Arellano it is not so important how much someone earns. Analogous to the German Sinus Milieu study, the psychologist and market researcher has described six lifestyle groups that represent both the traditional and the newly arrived urban population of Peru. In doing so, he subverted the static class model that divides the population into classes A (super rich) to E (very poor) based on their income, and has shown for the first time that not only poor people live in the former slums. In the classic shift model, Juanita Porre with her breakfast stand, the young historian and environmentalist Christian Ipanague and the young start-up founder Diana Moreno would all fall into grades D to E, simply because they live in a slum area that perhaps has material poverty, but has not left their stigma behind. At Arellano, on the other hand, the three represent different lifestyles: Juanita Porre best fits the description of the oyster, which not only has little income, but also little hope that something will change in that. Christian Ipanague would fall into the category of formalistas (tradition-conscious men) and Diana Moreno would belong to the modern women who shape their own lives with a lot of verve and creativity. The layered model only appeals to the wallet, the lifestyles are about the heart and the brain. Simply having more money does not automatically change the way you think, says the market researcher who works all over Latin America. Although, according to the World Bank, Peru's economy grew by an average of 6.1 percent per year between 2002 and 2013, this does not automatically mean more social permeability. When people from the Andes came to Lima 50 years ago, they had to move to the periphery because there were no opportunities for them in traditional Lima. So they have set up their own businesses, clubs and markets on the periphery. Instead of inclusion, there was a parallel growth that occurred on the outskirts of the city. Today two thirds of Lima's residents live in these former suburban settlements and have set up their businesses there. A good part of it has not yet been integrated into the state system and is therefore not subject to taxation. Peru is at the top of Latin America with 70 percent of those employed in the informal sector, Arellano confirms. Many of them have small shops, are artisans, have market stalls, construction and transportation businesses that they built from scratch. A revolt just like in Chile / 1-2020
17 Poverty focus 17 is therefore very unlikely in Peru: The people here are not in the system at all. They have no employers from whom they can ask for more wages. You are not in any pension system or in any state social insurance. Even the public buses are private. Who are they supposed to protest against? On the other hand, it is damn difficult to convince the people on the periphery that it would be better for them to pay taxes or social security contributions for their employees. It's a vicious circle because people don't see that the state gives them anything in return for taxes. The state schools, hospitals, traffic and the roads are not working well, explains Arellano. In Las Casuarinas no one has ever seen the inside of a state school. Dieter Zapff admits this frankly. On this side of the wall of shame, all children attend expensive private schools. The 60-year-old German-Peruvian, a freelance headhunter by profession, was born in the exclusive Las Casuarinas, where his aunt bought and urbanized a large piece of land 60 years ago, at the time far from the gates of Lima. The square meter price averages $ 1200 these days, says Zapff. However, each plot is 1000 square meters and can only be built up to 25 percent. So nothing works below a million US dollars. 600 families live in this district, including famous business people, TV stars, star chefs, politicians, the German ambassador and probably one or the other white-collar criminals, as Zapff himself admits. He doesn't care that Las Casuarinas has gained notoriety in the international press through the Wall of Shame. Because it's just not true that we isolate ourselves. We only protect our property, unfortunately the state is not doing it well enough, affirmed Zapff. His aunt built two kilometers of the wall when wild settlers wanted to access their land. In Las Casuarinas the streets wind up the hills, as in Nueva Rinconada on the other side of the mountain. Except that the streets are tarred, that several SUVs flash out from behind the gates of each villa and that the streets on that Saturday morning are deserted except for a man who walks five dogs. A dog trainer, comments Zapff. Las Casuarinas is a gated community that the rich build in all major Latin American cities in order to be among their own kind. Only those who live there or who receive an access permit from one of the residents can get in here. Every visitor is registered at the guard house and presents his or her ID. People from the other part of the hill enter Las Casuarinas, if at all, as servants, housemaids, gardeners, bricklayers or chauffeurs. Did he know the other, poor side of the mountain too? Of course, says Dieter Zapff in a friendly manner. Every year we are invited to dinner with our domestic servant in Villa María de Triunfo on the other side of the hill. However friendly the relationship between villa owners and their employees may be, it is fatally reminiscent of the old feudal times, which are still all too lively in Peru: where everyone has their place in society and will not shake it. One at the top and the other at the bottom. Most of the time, those up there are also lighter-skinned and taller than those down there. And democracy has not changed much about that to this day. That is why those from below have built their own parallel society. It is no longer about material goods. Christian Ipanague, the historian and environmentalist from Pamplona Alta, has internet, electricity, running water, TV at home and if he wants, he can buy branded sneakers or the latest mobile phone in the market next door. Purely on the basis of his income and his education, he certainly does not belong to the poor, even if he lives in a neighborhood that many Limeños still describe as poor and dangerous. Christian doesn't see the trench of inequality that is opening up more and more in Lima in income, but somewhere else entirely: Everyone is talking about sustainability. But if you want to live sustainably, want bike paths, buses without ancient exhausts, or healthy food, you have to live in the rich districts of San Isidro or Miraflores. In Pamplona Alta, residents are still burning their rubbish on the streets and no state institution is intervening. With his desire for a healthier environment, Christian Ipanague is certainly still a lonely caller in his neighborhood. But that poverty and inequality cannot be combated simply by setting up shopping malls and turning the poor into consumers: this realization has now even reached the Peruvian Ministry of Finance, which is otherwise known for its technocrats. I think that not all people are equal to us. And as long as nothing changes, Peru will not make any progress, said the 34-year-old Peruvian Finance Minister María Antonieta Alva. Isolated, but with a good overview: a villa in the wealthy district of Las Casuarinas. Hildegard Willer is a freelance journalist and lives in Lima (Peru). HILDEGARd WILLER / 1-2020
18 18 focus on poverty Should this family in a slum in Colombo (Sri Lanka) be considered poor or extremely poor? Experts argue violently about the poverty line. jörg böthling About numbers and people Extreme poverty is affecting an ever smaller part of humanity, as statistics from economists show. But what they mean and what they disguise is hotly debated. By Peter Dörrie Poverty reduction is a core concern of development cooperation, the lowest common denominator in an industry in which at least 450 billion euros in private donations and public funds are implemented annually and which employs several million people worldwide. So it goes without saying that there are fairly uncontroversial figures on how many people worldwide live in poverty and how that has changed over the past few decades. At least that's what Bill Gates, the founder of Microsoft and co-chair of the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, thought. Gates is perhaps the most influential private actor in the global development debate, and his words are well received in the community. In January he published an infographic on Twitter showing that the proportion of people living in extreme poverty fell from 94.4 to 9.6 percent between 1820 and 2015. In doing so, he has sparked a heated debate about the reliability of these data and our understanding of poverty. The infographic used by Gates is not new; it has been circulating for years as part of the Our World in Data project by economist Max Roser. Gates, Roser and their supporters see it as one of many examples of the success of global efforts to reduce poverty. The anthropologist Jason Hickel, loudest critic of the critics, / 1-2020
19 Poverty focus 19 6 around 1820 not in extreme poverty 94 around 1820 in extreme poverty, on the other hand, doubts the reliability and informative value of the underlying data and comes to the conclusion that with a realistic definition of poverty, the number of people affected is in the has only decreased marginally over the last few decades. Billions of people live longer and better today than was imagined at the beginning of the 20th century. The controversial poverty chart According to Max Roser, 100 people lived: in 2015 not in extreme poverty 10 in 2015 in extreme poverty Source: Max Roser (The debate between Gates, Roser and Hickel is complex and in parts esoteric, but it's worth it Because at its core it is not about statistical models and historical data collections. What is at stake is the much more fundamental question: Does an economically liberal capitalist order contribute to poverty reduction, or on the contrary, does it keep people in poverty for no reason? when Bill Gates' tweet sparked a tangible dispute between established personalities in development research, is the very simple definition of extreme poverty that is used here. According to the World Bank's specifications, those who are valued in goods and services per day are considered extremely poor consumed $ 1.90 or less. These are international dollars, that is, the sum is adjusted for differences in purchasing power from country to country for inflation, this value for Germany corresponds to consumption of around 1.50 euros per person per day, for a family of four goods and services worth around 195 euros per month . The same family in South Africa could spend the equivalent of around 93 euros a month to be considered extremely poor. State benefits such as free visits to the doctor or those paid for by a statutory insurance company are included in these amounts, as are gifts. You don't have to be a poverty researcher to see that this poverty line is almost ridiculously low. The word extreme is certainly appropriate, but it does not go far enough. Even subsistence farmers who have access to freely available natural resources cannot reliably irrigate or fertilize their fields without a certain income, and neither can they buy improved seeds or machines. A bad harvest, disease and any kind of mishap can quickly lead to a crash in such an existence. In fact, according to the World Bank, there is not a single person in Germany who has to get by with so little money. Even when measured against the expectations of the people in the world's poorest countries, life below this international poverty line is hardly imaginable. In addition, the question arises whether a person who has $ 2 a day to consume is significantly less poor than one who can only spend $ 1.90. Indeed, the need for a more realistic poverty line is largely undisputed. However, the agreement ends with the search for the right number. The World Bank also provides poor numbers records for the $ 3.20 and $ 5.50 limits. Many researchers see $ 7.40 as a realistic limit, because, according to Hickel, it enables a diet without deficiency and a reasonably normal life expectancy. The highest claims range up to $ 15. That would mean around 1550 euros for a family of four in Germany, including the monetary equivalent of all state benefits, mind you. If one applies these higher poverty lines, then the picture of global poverty reduction does not look quite so rosy. According to the World Bank, 46 percent of the world's population fell below the $ 5.50 daily consumption mark in 2015. And data from 2008 suggest that around 85 percent of all people were consuming less than dollars a day at the time, which, according to Roser, is the limit for access to acceptable health care. These higher poverty lines also lead to a considerably poorer picture of future developments: Given current trends, the fact that no one has to get by on less than $ 7.40 a day in our lifetime is considered unattainable. Not to mention more ambitious goals.Researchers like Jason Hickel also find poverty lines based purely on consumption to be completely inadequate. Many important dimensions of poverty that are not captured by consumption would be ignored. An honest assessment of global poverty would take into account not only consumption but also life expectancy, access to education, health care and other indicators, the argument goes. This brings you to the middle of an ideological debate. Because the question of what is measured and what data basis one refers to is not a purely objective scientific one. For Hickel, for example, the consideration of the years 1820 to 1980 in the graph published by Gates and Roser is above all one thing: capitalist / 1-2020
20 20 focus on poverty and propaganda that glorifies colonialism. Through a selective definition of poverty and prosperity, the destruction of colonization and the damage caused by a liberal economic policy should be erased from history, said Hickel. In fact, the colonization and the spread of capitalist economic systems have almost inevitably led to increased consumption: from Dakar to Cape Town, more and more farmers were integrated into the world economy. They earned money by growing fruits for the market such as cotton and peanuts or as labor on plantations and in mines and were able to spend it on imported goods, while the colonial administrations developed transport infrastructure and services. This example shows that consumption and quality of life are not necessarily related. In the Congo, for example, the systematic expansion of rubber production from 1890 onwards certainly increased the consumption of local foremen and colonial officials. The fact that large parts of the population were enslaved, systematically mutilated or killed in order to achieve the production targets is not reflected in the figures. Because those affected are likely to have been considered extremely poor before, so nothing has changed in terms of their status in terms of statistics. The Congo is an extreme, but typical example of the effects of colonial rule: where previously small communities could support and manage themselves, relationships of dependency have now emerged. Those who resisted were persecuted. In pre-colonial societies, natural resources could often be used without monetary compensation, because their management was the responsibility of the community, not the individual. The new rulers from Europe, on the other hand, increasingly restricted access to land and water or demanded taxes and levies for their use. The apparent contradiction between monetary prosperity and access to technological innovations on the one hand and social uprooting and destruction of economic and social structures on the other is impressively described in the African trilogy by the Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe. Other aspects of the poverty debate also shift the argument from statistics to ideology. For the supporters of a consumption-oriented and low poverty line, the data are proof that poverty can be reduced primarily through economic growth. This result can be compared with poverty rates Proportion of people who are considered to be poor according to various definitions (in percent) The World Bank measures poverty in terms of low consumption; the proportion of the poor then depends on the height of the poverty line (light blue and dark blue column). In contrast, the UNDP's Multidimensional Poverty Index (red column) records deprivations in the areas of health, education and standard of living, including child mortality, nutrition, school attendance and housing. 2.2 26 6.3 Mexico,, 7 ** Peru,, 9 Guatemala, 5 * 92 * 4.8 21 3.8 Brazil 51.4 Nigeria, 6 * 98 * 1.3 62 5.2 Egypt 74 DR Congo,, 5 2.5 * Ethiopia 1050 Iraq 49.1 * 57 * 21.2 * 93 * 8.6 87 * 55.4 Tanzania 27.9 India, 7 59 0.7 27 3.9 7.0 * * Indonesia China,, 7 Bangladesh, 9 57 6.3 South Africa GDP per capita 2018, in US dollars Share of people with less than 1.90 US dollars per capita per day, (*: 2009 to 2012) Share of people with less than US $ 5.50 per capita per day, (*: 2009 to 2012) proportion of the poor according to the Multidimensional Poverty Index, (**: 2012) According to the World Bank, half of the extremely poor people live in these five countries together. Sources: UNDP, Global Multidimensional Poverty Index 2019 (World Bank (/ 1-2020
21 Poverty focus 21 A multidimensional definition of poverty contradicts this approach. The Global Multidimensional Poverty Index measures ten different indicators, including nutrition, housing, access to water, electricity and clean energy sources for cooking and school attendance. This puts state interventions at the center of the debate, because the supply of the broad population with education and basic infrastructure has not yet been successfully done anywhere by private individuals. Another weak point in the debate is the global perspective. Regardless of whether it is just consumption or several dimensions of poverty: A very large part of global poverty reduction has taken place in a few countries in the last few decades, especially in China. In 1990, two-thirds of all people in the People's Republic lived on less than the equivalent of what is worth 1.90 dollars a day today, and today is only less than one percent. The proportion of those who have to get by on less than 10 international dollars a day has also been falling rapidly in China since around the year 2000, although the country's population has continued to grow strongly since then. In Sub-Saharan Africa, however, the proportion of people living in extreme poverty has only been reduced by a good tenth to 41 percent since 1990. The proportion of people who consume less than $ 10 a day has remained practically unchanged since 1990 at around 95 percent. China's success has long been seen as the triumph of the country's economic opening. Today, however, the case is seen as an alternative to the concept of liberal poverty reduction. Because while the Chinese government has never given up state control of the economy, many African states that have submitted to the liberal economic dictates of Western institutions have made little progress even in the fight against extreme poverty. Even if there is a tough fight for different definitions and evaluations: It is a great success that in the last few decades, despite a rapidly growing world population, an ever larger proportion of humanity has been able to escape extreme poverty and rise above the various poverty lines. Billions of people live longer and better today than was imagined at the beginning of the 20th century. The fact that many of them live in China doesn't make this success any less valuable. Water seller in the Philippines. Today the poor also have to pay for drinking water. In the past, access was free. ARTUR WIDAK / NURPHoto / getty IMAGES analyzing the numbers: not a single country with an average income per capita of more than dollars has a significant problem of extreme poverty according to this definition. Correspondingly, the proponents of this view are mainly supporters of a liberal economic policy. Because if economic growth helps fight poverty, then of course anything that could hinder economic growth is damaging. This logic also underlies the structural adjustment programs of the International Monetary Fund. The effects of colonialism show that consumption and quality of life are not necessarily related. But that cannot distract from the fact that the international poverty debate urgently needs a renewal. Reducing a phenomenon as complex as poverty to consumption is now of little help. Also because consumption is increasingly no longer seen as a civilizational achievement, but as a threat to our natural livelihood. Of course, it is neither useful nor necessary to play off poverty reduction and climate protection against each other. The duty to save resources rests first and foremost on the affluent parts of the world population. Wherever possible, however, a decoupling of quality of life and resource consumption should also be sought when reducing poverty. This is more possible if poverty is understood in a multidimensional way and public goods are given greater attention. The aim is to develop poverty reduction strategies at national or local level that address real needs. This rethink becomes inconvenient for the advocates of free markets and free trade. A critical look at the last few decades makes it clear that liberal economic policies have often been part of the problem rather than the solution in combating poverty. In the future, international pressure and support will have to work more towards strengthening state services than towards debt reduction and austerity programs. Otherwise, neither the United Nations development goal of ending extreme poverty by 2030 nor the eradication of poverty in the broader sense during our lifetime will be achievable. Peter Dörrie is a freelance journalist and reports in particular on resource and security policy in Africa / 1-2020
22 22 focus on poverty The poorest depend on their immediate family For those affected in Mozambique, poverty is not least a question of social networking. Conversation with Edward Jones Economists consider poor people who have less than a certain amount available for their consumption. Edward Jones asked people in Mozambique what is relevant for them and found that they often apply other criteria as well. How many Mozambicans are considered extremely poor by normal economic standards? Between 10 and 15 million people in Mozambique, around half of the population, fall below the official poverty line. The poverty rate in the country fell rapidly from the late 1990s to the mid-2000s, after which it fell a little more slowly. Poverty is particularly prevalent in rural areas: Agriculture is not particularly productive in Mozambique, which is why many people in rural areas live below or only just above the poverty line. The risk of being poor also increases with a low level of education or a large family. In practice, a large part of the local funding goes to people who are already well connected and influential. Do the official numbers contradict how people perceive poverty themselves? Yes. The quoted figures are based on standardized economic approaches to measuring consumption. This is based on the assumption that low consumption is synonymous with poverty. If you ask people when someone is not poor, they certainly mention wealth and access to enough food, so their point of view is not entirely different from the economic one. But they also mention many other things that determine who is poor. Relationships with other people are often a key factor: Can we rely on others to achieve something? Is anyone looking down on us? Do people distinguish different types of poverty? Yes. When you start talking to people, you don't use the word poverty, but ask: who is better off, who is worse off? The answers cannot simply be assigned to the categories poor or not poor. Instead, you get a wide variety of social positions. Some people are perceived as needy or chronically poor: they have no means of getting out of their situation. Others are said to be in a difficult situation only temporarily. There are also different interpretations of who is doing well and what kind of prosperity is fair: some people are doing well because they have a lot of influence or political contacts; others have slowly earned their wealth. The latter are more respected than those who got rich quickly from some project. Access to jobs or education is not the most important factor in poverty? It depends where you live. In an environment characterized by commercial money economy in the city such as the capital, poverty is strongly related to work and education. But in the country it's more about social relationships. People without access to networks and officials and dignitaries find themselves in a much more difficult situation than those who have such relationships. Even if they had money, they couldn't do much with it. And they don't get any opportunities to make money and build wealth. Is poverty closely linked to social exclusion, especially in rural areas? Yes. And the form of the exclusion can vary. Sometimes it's gender, sometimes religion, and often it's about political connections. For example, we investigated who benefited from local funding programs that were set up in Mozambique over ten years ago and which transfer funds for development projects to the districts. This decentralized support should empower the local population to launch projects to combat poverty, for example in agriculture or for women. In fact, a large chunk of that money goes to people who are already well connected and influential. On the other hand, people with good ideas who could use the money but who have no contacts have no chance. This can make poverty permanent and even create a poverty-promoting mindset: If you don't want one / 1-2020
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